Free speech is under attack in three ways:
First, repression by governments has increased. Several countries have reimposed cold-war
controls or introduced new ones. Russia
under Vladimir Putin is an example of cold-war controls. China under Xi Jinping is an example of
introducing new control.
Second, a worrying number of non-state actors are enforcing
censorship by assassination. Reporters
in Mexico who investigate crime and corruption are often murdered. Jihadists slaughter those they think have
insulted their faith. French cartoonists
are gunned down in their offices. The
jihadists hurt Muslims more than any others, not least by making it harder for
them to have an honest discussion about how to organize their societies.
Third, the idea has spread that people and groups have a
right not to be offended. This may sound
innocuous. Politeness is a virtue, after
all. But if I have a right not to be
offended, that means someone must police what you say about me, or about the
things I hold dear, such as my ethnic group, religion, or even political
beliefs. Since offence is subjective,
the power to police is both vast and arbitrary.
Nevertheless, many students in America and Europe believe
that someone should exercise it. Some
retreat into the absolutism of identity politics, arguing that men have no
right to speak about feminism nor whites to speak about slavery. Others have blocked thoughtful, well-known
speakers, such as Condoleezza Rice and Ayaan Hirsi Ali from being heard on
campus.
Concern for the victims of discrimination is laudable. And student protest is often, it itself, an
act of free speech. But university is a
place is a place where students are supposed to learn how to think. That mission is impossible if uncomfortable
ideas are off limits. And protest can
easily stray into preciousness: the
University of California, for example, suggests that is a racist
“micro-aggression” to say that “America is a land of opportunity”, because it
could be taken to imply that those who do not succeed have only themselves to
blame.
Intolerance among Western liberals also has wholly
unintended consequences. Even despots
know that locking up mouthy but non-violent dissidents is disreputable. Nearly all countries have laws that protect
freedom of speech. So authoritarians are
always looking for respectable sounding excuses to trample on it. National security is one, Russia recently sentenced a blogger five
years in prison for promoting “extremism”, after he criticized Russian policy
in Ukraine. China locks up campaigners
for Tibetan independence for “inciting ethnic hatred; Saudi Arabia flogs
blasphemers; Indians can be jailed for up to three years for promoting
disharmony “on grounds of religion, race…caste…or any other ground whatsoever.”
The threat to free speech on Western campuses is very
different from that faced by atheists in Afghanistan or democrats in China. But when progressive thinkers agree that
offensive words should be censored, it helps authoritarian regimes to justify
their own much harsher restrictions and intolerant religious groups their
violence. When human-rights campaigners
object to what is happening under repressive regimes, despots can point out
that liberal democracies such as France and Spain also criminalize those who
“glorify” or “defend” terrorism, and that many Western countries make it a
crime to insult a religion or to incite racial hatred.
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